'I suspect she has killed me. If I get over it, I will have revenge.' No one was keen to...
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Abraham Lincoln:
Back when I rode the legal circuit in Illinois, I defended a woman from Metmora named Melissa Goings, 77 years-old. They said she murdered her husband, he was 83. He was choking her and she grabbed a-hold of a stick of firewood and fractured his skull and he died. In his will he wrote: 'I suspect she has killed me. If I get over it, I will have revenge.' No one was keen to see her convicted, he was that kind of husband. I asked the prosecuting attorney if I might have a short conference with my client. And she and I went into a room in the courthouse, but I alone emerged. The window in the room was found to be wide open. It was believed the old lady may have climbed out of it. I told the bailiff right before. I left her in the room she asked me where she could get a good drink of water, and I told her Tennessee. Mrs. Goings was seen no more in Metamora. Enough justice had been done; they even forgave the bondsman her bail.
John Usher:
I'm afraid I don't see...
Abraham Lincoln:
I decided that the Constitution gives me war powers, but no one knows just exactly what those powers are. Some say they don't exist. I don't know. I decided I needed them to exist to uphold my oath to protect the Constitution, which I decided meant that I could take the rebel's slaves from them as property confiscated in war. That might recommend to suspicion that I agree with the rebs that their slaves are property in the first place. Of course I don't, never have, I'm glad to see any man free, and if calling a man property, or war contraband, does the trick... Why I caught at the opportunity. Now here's where it gets truly slippery. I use the law allowing for the seizure of property in a war knowing it applies only to the property of governments and citizens of belligerent nations. But the South ain't a nation, that's why I can't negotiate with'em. If in fact the Negroes are property according to law, have I the right to take the rebels' property from 'em, if I insist they're rebels only, and not citizens of a belligerent country? And slipperier still: I maintain it ain't our actual Southern states in rebellion but only the rebels living in those states, the laws of which states remain in force. The laws of which states remain in force. That means, that since it's states' laws that determine whether Negroes can be sold as slaves, as property - the Federal government doesn't have a say in that, least not yet then Negroes in those states are slaves, hence property, hence my war powers allow me to confiscate'em as such. So I confiscated 'em. But if I'm a respecter of states' laws, how then can I legally free'em with my Proclamation, as I done, unless I'm cancelling states' laws? I felt the war demanded it; my oath demanded it; I felt right with myself; and I hoped it was legal to do it, I'm hoping still. Two years ago I proclaimed these people emancipated - "then, hence forward and forever free."But let's say the courts decide I had no authority to do it. They might well decide that. Say there's no amendment abolishing slavery. Say it's after the war, and I can no longer use my war powers to just ignore the courts' decisions, like I sometimes felt I had to do. Might those people I freed be ordered back into slavery? That's why I'd like to get the Thirteenth Amendment through the House, and on its way to ratification by the states, wrap the whole slavery thing up, forever and aye. As soon as I'm able. Now. End of this month. And I'd like you to stand behind me. Like my cabinet's most always done.
Transcript
Back when I rode
the legal circuit in Illinois,
I defended a woman from Metamora
named Melissa Goings.
Seventy-seven years old.
They said she'd murdered
her husband. He was 83.
He was choking her
and she grabbed a hold
of a stick of firewood
and fractured his skull and he died.
In his will, he wrote,
"I expect she has killed me."
"If I get over it, I will have revenge."
No one was keen to see her convicted,
he was that kind of husband.
I asked the prosecuting attorney
if I might have a short conference
with my client.
She and I went into a room
in the courthouse,
but I alone emerged.
The window in the room
was found to be wide open.
It was believed the old lady
may have climbed out of it.
I told the bailiff,
right before I left her in the room
she asked me where she could get
a good drink of water,
and I told her, Tennessee.
Mrs. Goings was seen no more
in Metamora.
Enough justice had been done.
They even forgave
the bondsman her bail.
I'm afraid I don't see...
I decided
that the Constitution
gives me war powers
but no one knows just exactly
what those powers are.
Some say they don't exist.
I don't know. I decided
I needed them to exist to uphold my oath
to protect the Constitution.
Which I decided meant I could take
the Rebels' slaves from them
as property confiscated in war.
That might recommend
to suspicion that I agree
with the Rebs that their slaves
are property in the first place.
Of course, I don't. Never have.
I'm glad to see any man free,
and if calling a man property
or war contraband
does the trick,
why I caught at the opportunity.
Now here's where it gets truly slippery.
I use the law allowing for the seizure
of property in a war
knowing it applies only to the property
of governments and citizens
of belligerent nations.
Well, the South ain't a nation.
That's why I can't negotiate with them.
So if, in fact, the Negroes are property,
according to the law,
have I the right to take
the Rebels' property
from them, if I insist they're rebels only
and not citizens of a belligerent country?
And slipperier still, I maintain it ain't
our actual Southern states in rebellion
but only the rebels living in those states,
the laws of which states remain in force.
"The laws of which states
remain in force."
That means that since it's
states' laws that determine
whether Negroes can be sold as slaves,
as property,
the federal government
doesn't have a say in that.
At least not yet.
Then Negroes in those states
are slaves,
hence property,
hence my war powers
allow me to confiscate them
as such, so I confiscate them.
But if I'm a respecter of states' laws,
how then can I legally free them
with my Proclamation as I done?
Unless I'm canceling states' laws?
I felt the war demanded it.
My oath demanded it.
I felt right with myself,
and I hoped it was legal to do it.
I'm hoping still.
Two years ago, I proclaimed
these people emancipated.
"Then, thenceforward and forever free."
Now let's say the courts
decide I had no authority
to do it. They might well decide that.
Say there's no amendment
abolishing slavery,
say it's after the war
and I can no longer use my war powers
to just ignore the courts' decisions
like I sometimes felt I had to do.
Might those people I freed
be ordered back into slavery?
That's why I'd like to get
the 13th Amendment through the House,
on its way to ratification by the states.
Wrap the whole slavery thing up,
forever and aye,
as soon as I'm able. Now!
End of this month.
And I'd like you to stand behind me
like my Cabinet's most always done.
As the preacher said,
"I could write shorter sermons,"
"but once I start, I get too lazy to stop."
It seems to me, sir, you're describing
precisely the sort of dictator
the Democrats
have been howling about.
Dictators
aren't susceptible to law.
Neither is he.
He just said as much.
Ignoring the courts?
Twisting meanings?
What reins him in from... From...
Well, the people do that, I suppose.
I signed the Emancipation Proclamation,
what, a year and a half
before my second election?
I felt I was within my power to do it,
however, I also felt that
I might be wrong about that.
I knew the people would tell me.
I gave them a year and a half
to think about it,
and they re-elected me.
And come February the first,
I intend to sign the 13th Amendment!
Well, Mr. Representative Ashley.
Tell us the news from the Hill.
Well, the news...
Why, for instance, is this thus,
and what is the reason
for this thusness?
James, we want you to bring
the anti-slavery amendment
to the floor for debate,
- immediately.
- Excuse me, what?
You are the amendment's manager,
are you not?
I am, of course, but...
Then we're counting
on robust radical support
so tell Mr. Stevens we expect him
to put his back into it.
It's not going to be easy, but...
It's impossible.
No. I am sorry, no.
We can't organize anything
immediately in the House.
I have been canvassing the Democrats
since the election,
in case any of them have softened
after they got walloped, but
they have stiffened,
if anything, Mr. Secretary.
There aren't nearly enough votes.
We're whalers, Mr. Ashley.
Whalers? As in... Whales?
We've been chasing this whale
for a long time.
And we finally placed a harpoon
in the monster's back.
It's in, James. It's in.
We finish the deed now. We can't wait.
Or with one flop of his tail,
he'll smash the boat
and send us all to eternity.
On the 31 st of this month, of this year,
put the amendment up for a vote.
Whalers?
That's what he said.
The man's never been near
a whale ship in his life.
Withdraw radical support.
Force him to abandon this scheme,
whatever he's up to.
He drags his feet
about everything,
Lincoln... Why this urgency?
We got it through the Senate
without difficulty
because we had the numbers.
Come December, you'll have
the same in the House.
The amendment will be
the easy work of 10 minutes.
He's using the threat of the amendment
to frighten the Rebels
into an immediate surrender.
I imagine we'd rejoice to see that.
Will you rejoice
when the Southern states
have rejoined the Union pell-mell,
as Lincoln intends them to,
and one by one,
each refuses to ratify the amendment?
If we pass it, which we won't.
Why are we cooperating with him?
We all know what he's doing
and we all know what he'll do.
We can't offer up abolition's
best legal prayer
to his games and tricks.
He said he'd welcome the South back
with all its slaves in chains.
Three years ago he said that,
to calm the border states.
I don't!
You said we all know
what he'll do. I don't know.
You know he isn't to be trusted.
Trust?
I'm sorry, I was under
the misapprehension
that your chosen profession was politics.
I never trusted the President,
never trusted anyone,
but hasn't he surprised you?
No, Mr. Stevens, he hasn't.
Nothing surprises you, Asa,
therefore nothing about you
is surprising.
Perhaps that is why your constituents
did not re-elect you to the coming term.
It's late.
I'm old.
I'm going home.
Lincoln, the inveterate dawdler.
Lincoln, the Southerner.
Lincoln, the capitulating compromiser,
our adversary, and
leader of the godforsaken
Republican party.
Our party.
Abraham Lincoln has asked us
to work with him
to accomplish the death
of slavery in America.
Retain, even in opposition
your capacity for astonishment.
The President is never
to be mentioned. Nor I.
You're paid for your discretion.
Hell, you can have that for nothing.
What we need money for
is bribes, to speed things up.
No, nothing strictly illegal.
It's not illegal to bribe Congressmen,
they'd starve otherwise.
I have explained to Mr. Bilbo
and Mr. Latham that
we are offering patronage jobs
to the Dems who vote yes.
- Jobs and nothing more.
- That's correct.
Congressmen come cheap.
Few thousand bucks
will buy you all you need.
The President would be unhappy
to hear you did that.
Will he be unhappy if we lose?
The money I managed to raise
for this endeavor
is only for your fees,
your food and lodging.
If that squirrel-infested attic
you've quartered us in is any measure,
you ain't raised much.
Shall we get to work?
The House recognizes Fernando Wood,
the honorable Representative
from New York.
Estimable colleagues.
Two bloody years ago this month
His Highness,
King Abraham Africanus the First,
our great usurping Caesar,
violator of habeas corpus
and freedom of the press,
abuser of states' rights...
If Lincoln really were a tyrant, Mr. Wood,
he'd have had your empty head
impaled on a pike!
And the country better for it!
Radical Republican autocrat,
ruling by fiat and martial law,
affixed his name to his heinous and illicit
Emancipation Proclamation
promising it would hasten
the end of the war,
which yet rages on and on.
He claimed, as tyrants do
that the war's emergencies
permitted him to turn our army into...
Clip duration: 669 seconds
Views: 542
Timestamp in movie: 00h 00m 00s
Uploaded: 12 December, 2020
Genres: biography, drama, history
Summary: As the American Civil War continues to rage, America's president struggles with continuing carnage on the battlefield as he fights with many inside his own cabinet on the decision to emancipate the slaves.
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00:51 Euclid's first common notion is this
00:14 The greatest measure of the Nineteenth Century
00:54 I can't listen to this anymore
00:23 I don't know about myself
00:30 I must make my decision
00:37 My vote ties us
00:39 Wood conclude his interminable gabble
00:08 Slavery is the only insult to the natural law
00:33 The people elected me to represent them
01:05 Not only of the millions now in bondage
00:11 But I would rather stay
00:15 If you can look into the seeds of time
00:29 Roll call concludes
01:02 Fondly do we hope
00:13 By outward appearance
01:37 You have a visitor
01:04 Maybe a negro colonel
01:04 That there is a great
02:29 I have to do this
00:36 Thus fulfilling